I keep notes here. Most of these are related to travel, work, or books.
Compare Indivisible vs Working Families vs Our Revolution, et al
activismNote #
(All of the following content was generated as responses from ChatGPT to the italicaized prompts)
How many people and groups were in each of these at their height:
- The Tea Party
- Indivisible
Here’s a summary of the estimated size and structure of each movement at its height:
The Tea Party Movement #
Peak Period: 2009–2011
People Involved:
- Estimates range from 200,000 to 500,000 active members nationwide.
- Polling during its peak (2010) suggested up to 20% of Americans expressed support for the Tea Party, though many were passive supporters.
Groups/Chapters:
-
Over 1,000 local Tea Party groups formed across the U.S.
-
Not centrally organized—major national groups included:
- Tea Party Patriots
- FreedomWorks
- Tea Party Express
-
These larger organizations often claimed hundreds of thousands of members or email subscribers, though the numbers likely included many loosely affiliated supporters.
Indivisible #
Peak Period: 2017–2018
People Involved:
- The core Indivisible Guide was downloaded over 2 million times in early 2017.
- Organizers claimed over 6,000 affiliated local groups in all 50 states.
- Exact numbers are hard to verify, but estimates suggest hundreds of thousands of active participants, possibly up to a million loosely affiliated supporters at its height.
Groups/Chapters:
- Claimed more than 6,000 registered Indivisible groups (2017-2018).
- These groups varied in size from a few people to hundreds.
TL;DR Comparison: #
Metric | Tea Party (2009–2011) | Indivisible (2017–2018) |
---|---|---|
Estimated Supporters | 200k–500k active; ~20% passive | 500k–1M+ active/supportive |
Local Groups | 1,000+ | 6,000+ |
Structure | Decentralized with a few large national hubs | Decentralized, grassroots-driven with central coordination |
What were the periods of greatest vigor for Indivisible? How
effective is it now?
Periods of Greatest Vigor – Indivisible #
Indivisible surged into prominence in response to Donald Trump’s election in 2016. Its greatest period of energy and influence can be divided into two main phases:
🟩 1. Formation and Early Action (Late 2016 – Mid 2017) #
-
Catalyst: The publication of The Indivisible Guide in December 2016—a 26-page Google Doc written by former congressional staffers.
-
Rapid Mobilization: Within weeks:
- The guide went viral (millions of views/downloads).
- Thousands of local chapters formed organically.
-
Tactics: Modeled on the Tea Party’s tactics—local pressure on members of Congress through town halls, protests, and calls.
-
Impact:
- Instrumental in flooding congressional offices with constituent calls.
- Credited with helping to defeat Trump’s 2017 attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare).
🟦 2. 2018 Midterms Mobilization (Late 2017 – November 2018) #
-
Focus: Electing a Democratic majority in the House to check Trump’s power.
-
Success:
- Democrats won 41 seats in the House, flipping control.
- Indivisible groups were central to voter outreach, canvassing, and phone banking.
-
Peak Infrastructure: Over 6,000 affiliated groups, many holding regular meetings and direct actions.
⚪️ Post-2018 to Present (2019–2025): A Gradual Decline with Refocusing #
2019–2020:
- Still active in opposing Trump’s agenda and supporting impeachment.
- Played a role in mobilizing for the 2020 election, backing Biden and Senate flips in Georgia.
2021–2022:
- With Democrats in power, focus shifted to pushing progressive policies (e.g., the Build Back Better Act).
- Less momentum than in opposition; internal tensions around Democratic Party tactics.
2023–2025:
- Lower visibility nationally.
- Still maintains an email list, fundraising, and issues calls to action, but much of the grassroots activity has faded or been absorbed into other movements (e.g., climate, abortion rights, local activism).
- Some groups continue as local progressive clubs, but not always under the "Indivisible" name.
How Effective Is Indivisible Now? (As of 2025) #
Effectiveness: Moderate to Low
-
National presence: Diminished.
- The central Indivisible Project still exists and issues policy scorecards, endorsements, and fundraising appeals.
-
Local chapters: Many disbanded or dormant.
- Some still active but focused more on hyperlocal elections and issues.
-
Compared to 2017–2018: Now more like a progressive infrastructure hub than a mass mobilization force.
Bottom Line #
- Most vigorous: 2017–2018, when it helped flip the House and block Trump’s agenda.
- Now: Still present but not a major mobilizing force. Its influence has waned, though it laid the groundwork for sustained local activism and future progressive organizing models.
Which groups have similar goals as Indivisible but are more effective in
2025? How do their metrics compare to Indivisible?
As of 2025, several groups share similar progressive, pro-democracy, and anti-authoritarian goals as Indivisible, but some are more effective or more visible in terms of organizing power, political wins, and ongoing grassroots engagement.
Here are the most notable:
🟥 1. Swing Left #
Founded: 2017
Goals: Elect Democrats to key swing districts and states.
🔹 More Effective Than Indivisible? #
Yes — in recent election cycles, Swing Left has become more targeted and better funded, with a stronger digital infrastructure.
🔸 Metrics: #
Metric | Swing Left | Indivisible (2025) |
---|---|---|
Email List | 1+ million | ~500,000–750,000 |
Active Chapters | ~300 active local teams | Unknown; many groups inactive |
Money Raised (2024) | Over $50 million raised | Under $10 million |
Strategy Focus | Flipping seats, fundraising | Congressional pressure, advocacy |
Notable Strength: Focuses efforts on “Super States” where races are won or lost; uses data to optimize volunteer work.
🟦 2. Run for Something #
Founded: 2017
Goals: Recruit and support young progressives running for state and local office.
🔹 More Effective Than Indivisible? #
Yes — it's created a pipeline of candidates with long-term impact on down-ballot races, where Indivisible is less focused.
🔸 Metrics: #
Metric | Run for Something | Indivisible |
---|---|---|
Candidates Elected | 1,000+ (since 2017) | Few official endorsements |
Staff Size | 70+ | ~30–40 |
National Visibility | Moderate and growing | Declining |
Notable Strength: Focus on local offices where policy change is often more direct and durable.
🟩 3. Democracy Docket / Democracy Forward / Legal Defense Fund (NAACP) #
Goals: Legal advocacy and protection of voting rights, redistricting fairness, fighting authoritarian legal trends.
🔹 More Effective Than Indivisible? #
In terms of concrete legal wins and policy influence, yes.
🔸 Metrics: #
Metric | Legal Advocacy Orgs | Indivisible |
---|---|---|
Court Cases Handled | Hundreds | Very few |
Funding (2024) | Tens of millions | Under $10 million |
Strategic Impact | High — long-term court gains | Episodic and campaign-based |
Notable Strength: Effective against voter suppression and gerrymandering — high-value legal fights.
🟨 4. Working Families Party (WFP) #
Founded: 1998
Goals: Elect left-progressive candidates, mostly inside the Democratic Party but with an independent party structure.
🔹 More Effective Than Indivisible? #
Yes — they have ballot access, an endorsement pipeline, and stronger candidate coordination.
🔸 Metrics: #
Metric | Working Families Party | Indivisible |
---|---|---|
Elected Officials | Over 1,000 nationwide | No clear tracking |
Annual Budget | $15–20 million+ | Estimated <$10 million |
Staff/Organizers | 100+ | ~30–40 |
Notable Strength: Combines grassroots organizing with institutional endorsements.
🟫 5. MoveOn.org #
Founded: 1998
Goals: Progressive advocacy, digital campaigning, anti-fascist resistance.
🔹 More Effective Than Indivisible? #
In digital reach and fundraising clout, yes — though less grassroots.
🔸 Metrics: #
Metric | MoveOn | Indivisible |
---|---|---|
Email Subscribers | 8–10 million | 500k–750k |
Petitions/Actions | Dozens monthly | 1–2 campaigns per month |
Digital Ads Budget | $40–60 million per cycle | Minimal |
Notable Strength: Massive online mobilization power and fundraising network.
📊 Summary Table: Peer Comparison (2025) #
Group | Focus Area | Estimated Reach | Most Notable Strength |
---|---|---|---|
Swing Left | Flipping elections | 1M+ | Smart targeting + funds |
Run for Something | Electing young local progressives | 500k+ | Candidate recruitment |
Working Families Party | Policy + election power | 1M+ | Independent structure |
Democracy Docket | Voting rights legal defense | Moderate | High-impact lawsuits |
MoveOn.org | Digital activism & fundraising | 10M+ | Email reach + media leverage |
Indivisible (2025) | Congressional pressure & grassroots | ~500k | Built early infrastructure |
How does 5calls.org rate in comparison?
5Calls.org is a tactical tool rather than a movement or membership organization like Indivisible or Swing Left, but it's worth comparing because it was designed to mobilize fast, targeted constituent pressure on Congress—a goal it shares with Indivisible.
🟦 About 5Calls.org #
Launched: January 2017 (same post-Trump wave as Indivisible)
Purpose: Make it easy for users to call their elected officials on key issues, with scripts, phone numbers, and issue summaries.
📊 Effectiveness Metrics (2025 comparison) #
Metric | 5Calls.org | Indivisible (2025) |
---|---|---|
Type | Tool/platform | Movement + chapters |
Email list / Users | Hundreds of thousands (est.) | 500k–750k |
Local chapters | None | Many (though fewer active now) |
Active in 2025? | Yes, still updated | Yes, though less active locally |
User base behavior | Episodic, action-oriented | Community/meeting-based |
Strategy | Quick pressure via phone | Pressure + organizing + events |
Notable success | High call volume during 2017 ACA repeal fight | Grassroots congressional pressure and 2018 election impact |
🟨 Strengths of 5Calls.org: #
- Extremely low barrier to action: You can call a senator in 2 minutes using the site or app.
- Great UX: Calls auto-sorted by issue and location.
- Effective for episodic surges: E.g. Supreme Court confirmations, war authorization votes, healthcare.
🟥 Limitations Compared to Indivisible and Others: #
- Not an organizing tool: No sustained community, events, or candidate support.
- No endorsements, campaigns, or staff structure.
- Little media presence or public-facing leadership.
✅ Best Way to Think of 5Calls.org #
It's like a Swiss Army knife for phone activism:
- Great for immediate, high-pressure advocacy,
- But not a substitute for longer-term movement building, fundraising, or election work.
🧠 Bottom Line: #
- 5Calls.org is more agile than Indivisible but less influential in terms of shaping elections or public narratives.
- Still very useful and alive in 2025 — but works best in coordination with larger groups (like Indivisible, MoveOn, etc.).
How about Our Revolution?
Our Revolution is a significant progressive political organization that spun out of Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign. Compared to Indivisible, it has sharper ideological goals, more formal political infrastructure, and stronger ties to the Democratic Party’s progressive wing—but it has faced its own challenges.
🟥 Our Revolution: Overview #
Founded: August 2016
Founder: Bernie Sanders and allies
Mission:
- Elect progressive candidates (especially those aligned with Bernie’s agenda)
- Build grassroots power at the local level
- Advance issues like Medicare for All, Green New Deal, labor rights, and campaign finance reform
🟦 How It Compares to Indivisible (as of 2025) #
Metric/Feature | Our Revolution | Indivisible |
---|---|---|
Ideology | Boldly left-progressive, Bernie-aligned | Broadly liberal-progressive |
Membership | ~1 million claimed supporters (2024) | 500k–750k (email/action participants) |
Local Chapters | ~600–700 local chapters | 6,000+ at peak, now far fewer active |
Political Endorsements | Hundreds per cycle, from city council to Congress | Fewer, often tied to national agenda |
Electoral Focus | Yes — candidate recruitment, endorsements, campaigning | Some, but more pressure-based |
Ties to Institutions | Strong with labor, DSA, Bernie-aligned groups | Moderate; more independent grassroots |
Activity in 2025 | Active and visible, especially in primaries | Active but lower visibility |
🟨 Strengths of Our Revolution #
- Candidate Pipeline: Has helped launch careers of elected officials like Rashida Tlaib, Jamaal Bowman, and Summer Lee.
- Labor and Working-Class Focus: Unique among major progressive groups for emphasizing union organizing and anti-corporate policy.
- State and Local Power: Focus on school boards, statehouses, and utility boards—not just Congress.
🟥 Weaknesses #
- Factional Perception: Tied closely to the Bernie wing of the party, sometimes limiting broader coalition appeal.
- Internal Struggles: Experienced leadership turnover and messaging inconsistencies.
- Less Grassroots Autonomy: More top-down than Indivisible's early structure, with chapters often dependent on central leadership.
🧠 Bottom Line #
More Effective Than Indivisible in 2025?
➡️ Yes, in terms of:
- Electoral impact
- Policy pressure
- Union and working-class mobilization
➡️ No, in terms of:
- Broad-based middle-of-the-road coalition-building
- Flexibility for local groups to adapt goals
- Mass mobilization in non-election moments
✅ Ideal For You If: #
- You want to elect progressive candidates, especially in primaries.
- You are union-aligned, or support economic justice as a core cause.
- You prefer coordinated, longer-term strategy over spontaneous local action.
Please do a direct comparison of Working Families Party and Our Revolution.
Great request — Working Families Party (WFP) and Our Revolution (OR) are two of the most influential progressive political organizations in the U.S. as of 2025. They share some goals, but differ in strategy, structure, tone, and effectiveness in key areas.
Here’s a direct side-by-side comparison:
🟦 BASIC COMPARISON #
Category | Working Families Party (WFP) | Our Revolution (OR) |
---|---|---|
Founded | 1998 (New York) | 2016 (by Bernie Sanders’ campaign team) |
Origins | Labor unions + progressive activists | Bernie 2016 campaign infrastructure |
Ideological Lean | Progressive, left-liberal | Democratic Socialist-aligned |
Affiliated with Party? | Independent political party (fusion in some states) | Not a party; operates within Dem primaries |
🔧 STRUCTURE & STRATEGY #
Area | WFP | OR |
---|---|---|
Organizational Type | National political party + PAC | 501(c)(4) nonprofit + PAC |
Chapters | 15+ state chapters (some ballot lines) | ~600 local groups across 48 states |
Ballot Access | Yes — in NY, CT, OR, SC, and others | No |
Candidate Recruitment | Yes — develops and endorses | Yes — but relies more on progressive allies |
Primary Goal | Shift Dem Party left via electoral wins | Advance Bernie-style platform + elections |
Union Relationships | Historically strong | Mixed; some friction with larger unions |
🗳️ ELECTORAL INFLUENCE #
Area | WFP | OR |
---|---|---|
Endorsements | Hundreds per cycle | Hundreds, mostly in primaries |
Notable Candidates Helped Elect | Jamaal Bowman, Summer Lee, Kendra Brooks, Brandon Johnson (Chicago mayor) | Rashida Tlaib, Cori Bush, Summer Lee, etc. |
2024 Election Role | Aggressive endorsements, GOTV for Biden | Supported Biden after pressure, focused on down-ballot |
Local/State Office Wins | Strong focus; dozens elected annually | Moderate focus; more focused on national |
📢 TACTICS & CULTURE #
Area | WFP | OR |
---|---|---|
Style/Tone | Coalition-builder, strategic | Movement-builder, often more confrontational |
Relation to Democratic Party | Inside-out: works within, endorses challengers | Inside-out, but with more open critique |
Issue Focus | Economic justice, labor, housing, climate | Medicare for All, anti-corporate politics |
Public Engagement | Rallies, debates, press campaigns | Town halls, progressive endorsements |
💰 FUNDING & REACH #
Area | WFP | OR |
---|---|---|
Annual Budget (est.) | $15–20 million | $8–12 million |
Donor Base | Strong small donors, some union support | Mostly grassroots, some national PACs |
Digital Reach | Moderate to strong (growing steadily) | Moderate; less social media buzz now |
Staff/Infrastructure | Larger and more professionalized in 2025 | Slimmer, more volunteer-driven |
🧠 BOTTOM LINE #
Question | Answer |
---|---|
More effective at elections? | WFP — broader reach + ballot access |
More ideologically pure? | Our Revolution — stronger Bernie identity |
Better at coalition building? | WFP — pragmatic, builds cross-movement ties |
Better for national-level pressure? | Our Revolution — focused on primary challenges, national policy fights |
More active in 2025? | WFP, with more visible wins, especially in cities and states |
✅ Which Should You Support? #
If you want to... | Go with... |
---|---|
Elect local progressive candidates | WFP |
Focus on Democratic Party transformation | Both |
Work on Medicare for All, anti-corporate policy | Our Revolution |
Organize with labor, housing, and racial justice coalitions | WFP |
Maintain a Bernie-style activist identity | Our Revolution |